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June 2013
Norman Mailer in Synagogue
The best writer of his generation addresses the pews.

Seeing Shlomo
A bittersweet remembrance of my teacher, Rabbi Shlomo Carlebach

Where There's Smoke
A politically incorrect view of the current rage to ban all smoking everywhere.

Building the House
The contractor -- can't live with him, can't kill him. Or can you?

A Wing and a Prayer
Finding a small homecoming in transit.

Gunning Down the Cockroaches
Roach problem? Just call the expert.

Waiting for Death
Our parents taught us how to live. Their final gift -- showing us how to die.

On the Road
Driving beyond the Green Line prompts a look in the mirror.

Dog Days
Summer ended when they came to kill my dog.

On Guard
Guys like me don't carry guns, right?

Learning to Pray
It's slow and not easy. But that's not all.

Turning 50
Some thoughts on a millstone - uh, make that milestone - birthday.

Outsider Art
Simply the most compelling art exhibit I've ever seen.

Dave van Ronk
A visit to the world of my favorite folk singer.

Fat
Remember: "stressed" spelled backwards is "desserts."

New Year’s Celebration
Watching the ball drop slowly in my daughter’s life.

My Father's Blessing
A poignant final moment strengthens my fragile connection to my father.

Going Crazy
Being at war while normal life continues makes life in Israel feel crazy.

Visiting Rose
Old and poor, she's got one hope left: the movie of her life.

Did I Really Just Vote for Ariel Sharon?
What was once inconceivable has become necessary.

Sharon at his ranch in the Negev.
Not happily, not comfortably, but in a word, Yes, I just voted for Ariel Sharon. I know about Sabra and Shatilla, but Ehud Barak so completely betrayed the hopeful vote I cast for him in 1999 that even most of my ambivalence was gone, replaced by an urgency to oust Barak and his band of professional delusionaries.

Barak's two most significant successes during his year and a half in office were an inversion of his mistakes. With his violations of principle, he rekindled Zionist fervor in Israel, unifying Right, Center and parts of the Left against him. With his concessions, he exposed the Palestinians' nasty secret: that they will not make peace with Israel even if we divide Jerusalem, give them three-quarters of the Old City, and surrender the Temple Mount, the Jordan Valley and control of the border crossings.

This is very good for us to know.

The Palestinians' design has become so clear, in fact, that only a child or an academic could fail to see it. Their official incitement against Jews and Israel does not stop. Their leaders string ours along, making the concessions from one round of talks their starting point for the next round. Their final demand, which we didn't believe they were serious about, seems to be Israel's national suicide - the "peace of the grave," with three million Palestinian refugees dancing on it. They boldly deny any Jewish historical connection to the Land of Israel and destroy Jewish historical and religious sites that come into their possession. Aren't these signs that we are negotiating with barbarians?

Meanwhile, our own leadership continues to impersonate the Wise Men of Chelm. Every day something new strains one's credulity. While the Palestinians shoot and bomb, the government continues to funnel money to the PA and to fatten Arafat's private bank account in Tel Aviv. Shimon Peres counsels Arafat that to help reelect a sympathetic Israeli government he should reduce the violence until the elections - after which, presumably, he would have permission to increase the violence again. Another government minister, Matan Vilnai, opines that negotiations should stop in response to terror by the PA, but insists that violence by the Tanzim, Arafat's Fatah militia, is not in that category - even while Israel's security services blame the PA itself for approximately 80 percent of attacks since September.

In 1999, Barak was a security-conscious general skeptical of the Oslo accords who would cautiously pursue a treaty that would give Israel internationally recognized borders and an end to war with the Palestinians. His eloquence about the Jewish connection to Jerusalem made him seem trustworthy to act resolutely, from deeply Jewish motives, even in a time of difficult compromises. "Only those [he said then] who are completely removed from any connection with their historical legacy and who are estranged from the vision of the nation…from its faith and from the hope it has cherished for generations - only persons in that category could possibly entertain the thought that the State of Israel would actually concede even a part of Jerusalem."

It was all an act, a lie - just like Arafat's handshake on the White House lawn, just like the "peace of the brave." There is no peace and, finally, no sign from the Palestinians that anything like a real peace is what they are aiming at.

So, yes, I voted for Sharon, even if he is a bully overly confident in military solutions who should have disappeared from public life after the Lebanon war. I don't think he'll last long as prime minister - we'll have elections again soon - and that's fine with me. I need Sharon only long enough to reduce to a historical footnote Barak's capitulations to our insatiable Palestinian neighbors and to reverse Israel's transformation into a defeated nation suing for peace on terms that shame us.

Anyway, maybe a bully is just what we need to cope with the bully Arafat. It will sound harsh, especially to American ears, but perhaps, instead of being coddled and spoken to earnestly, the Palestinians, like wayward children, need to be slapped - hard - once or twice to bring them to their senses.

And if they cannot be brought to their senses, that too is good for us to know.

Barak's greatest failure is that he has brought Israel to the point where it needs Ariel Sharon. But he has, it does, and that's how I cast my vote.

Published February 2001 in the Jerusalem Post and Beliefnet.com. Anthologized in Peace Fire: Fragments from the Israel-Palestine Story (Free Association Books).